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Hooghly Collegiate School (One) http://wp.me/p1dQVh-p

Hooghly Collegiate School (Two) http://wp.me/p1dQVh-Q

Hooghly Collegiate School (Three) http://wp.me/p1dQVh-17

The Albert Hall Coffee House, 1962-65, Part One http://wp.me/p1SeUE-A

The Albert Hall Coffee House, 1962-65, Part Two http://wp.me/p1SeUE-L

The Albert Hall Coffee House, 1962-65, Part Three http://wp.me/p1SeUE-X

Xenophobia and Prejudice(s) http://wp.me/p1dQVh-3m

The Schools for Patriotism http://wp.me/p1dQVh-1l

Debjān: Bibhutibhushan Bandyopadhyay http://wp.me/p1dQVh-1r

The Many Uses of Words: Insults (How we drag in animals) http://wp.me/p1dQVh-1B

Hindutva, Surnames and Caste:  Modern Bengali Obsession http://wp.me/p1dQVh-1O

The Indus and the Aryan People http://wp.me/p1dQVh-26

Bengal, Bangla, Banga http://wp.me/p1dQVh-2q

The Hindu Hypocrites http://wp.me/p1dQVh-2D

Śālā, Thākur and Insh’allah (শালা, ঠাকুর ও ইনশ’আল্লাহ) http://wp.me/p1dQVh-2E

Indian Politics: A Few Thoughts (Instalment One) http://wp.me/p1dQVh-dQ

Indian Politics: A Few Thoughts (Instalment Two) http://wp.me/p1dQVh-e0

Indian Politics: A Few Thoughts (Instalment Three) http://wp.me/p1dQVh-e2

Indian Politics: A Few Thoughts (Instalment Four) http://wp.me/p1dQVh-ey

Fairy Tales of the East (One) http://wp.me/p1dQVh-ff

Bilingual

THE KING OF CHINA’S DAUGHTER by Edith Sitwell (My Bengali translation over four decades back) http://wp.me/p1dQVh-ed

সিদ্ধ ভাষা, সেদ্ধ ভাষা http://wp.me/p1SeUE-3

বাংলা (সবচেয়ে নতুন সবার শেষে)

সাফাই http://wp.me/p1SeUE-1

ছাড়াছাড়ি (কবিতা)http://wp.me/p1SeUE-31

জন্মদিনে (কবিতা)http://wp.me/p1SeUE-35

কলকাতার ফুটপাথ  http://wp.me/p1SeUE-3P

আবরু (কবিতা)http://wp.me/p1dQVh-bJ

সেই জোনাকিরা (১–৩)http://wp.me/p2GIXC-1u

সেই জোনাকিরা (৪–৬) http://wp.me/p2GIXC-64

সেই জোনাকিরা (৭––৯) http://wp.me/p2GIXC-6b

সেই জোনাকিরা (১০––১২) http://wp.me/p2GIXC-6e

সেই জোনাকিরা (১৩–১৫) http://wp.me/p2GIXC-6n

সেই জোনাকিরা (১৬–১৯) অন্তিম http://wp.me/p2GIXC-6z

One: The Background

There was once a riverine nation on the eastern coast of a vast land of far too many realms, small and middling, kingdoms—proud or tired, suzerainties—oppressive or benign, principalities—effervescent or decadent, often at war with each other, for each had time, men and funds to spare at the cost of its hapless, oppressed denizens. Mountains and snow-peaks defined its north (though not in the tongue of its majority, nor in culture); a turbulent bay its east; the ethos changed abruptly to its south (where the dialects became increasingly agglutinative); and its west was blurred in a confusion of customs, cultures and lingos.

Much of it was once covered in lush forests, often secondary, for the land was perpetually underpopulated then, thanks to strange banes called Burdwan fever and chronic colitis, despite its fertility obvious from the lush growths everywhere.We call it a nation for want of a better term but, in reality, there were several separate realms of strange names: Gangaridae (Γανγαρίδαι), Samataṭa (समतट), Rārha (राढ़), Harikela (हरिकेल), Pattikerā (पट्टीकेरा) and many others. It was collectively and variously referred to as Land of Stinking Fish Eaters, Land of the People of Birdlike Speech or Land of the Treacle (गुड़) Mead (as opposed to the one made in the north from honest, forest honey) in ancient Saṁskṛta literature. By some never-defined curse cast, either by Mahavira, unto whom the unruly locals had set their dogs, hissing choo choo (hence the Saṁskṛta word kukkura for a dog), when he came to preach his newfound, atheistic and outré  religion, or by some other ascetic of Aryan descent who was likewise rankled by another set of indigènes, it was destined never to stand united for long enough to achieve anything significant.For brief spurts, when the stars were favourable and chances presented themselves, valiant local kings like Śaśāṅka (seventh century) or Divya (the upstart Kaivarta) did bring much of the diverse elements under one notional flag. But so powerful was the curse that they proved to be either too unwise or simply unlucky to hold the Pax Gaua (गौड़) or its equivalent for any meaningful length of time.

Eventually it was overrun by monotheistic Islamic conquerers who descended out of nowhere to take over the sleepy nation, fertile and full of skilled craftsmen, unskilled adminstrators, and womenfolk unbeautiful by Arabic or Turkic standards of aesthetics. Even before that, quite a few Sufi dervishes, minstrels and saints had already begun the process of conversion to their energetic faith. But so great was the inertia of culture that, in several centuries, only about a third of the population had converted, and that too with most of the old superstitions, prejudices and customs intact, despite the seeming servility. But decadence had set in after several centuries, during which the elite of the land and their underdogs flourished under a very open regime of overseas trade—not to speak of the local baniya class, and the avarice of distant and infidel foreigners was roused.

The new lot, with their pale skin (often ruddy), curiously coloured eyes and hair, and unctuous, tradesmenlike manners, took over the reins stealthily. So much so and in such small steps that not many noticed. And then they ruled for the better part of two centuries till some of the masses woke up as if from carefree and drunken slumber.

When they finally shook off the foreign oppressors, new ones came to the fore from within their own ranks by a new process of government formation. The process involved exercise of the peoples’ will, in theory, if not in practice. As one local poet (honoured recently by posthumously naming a metro station in the capital city after him, though he had never lived there or known to have used the mass transit facility) had aptly put: “The people were shocked/ When they looked aloft/ To gaze at the throne/ After the king was gone,/ Tho’ his moustache glowed in glory, Oh…”

Right Wing leaders, those who sat to the right of the king (when he was reigning) and enjoyed certain privileged rights, made room for the Left Wingers who were deliberately left behind. The six long decades after the freedom from the foreign rule were equally divided between the two lots—the Left and the Right—but the lot of the people at large remained as it ever was.

This fairy tale begins with the overthrow of both the Right and the Left by the exercise of Feminine Will, backed by unstinting support of a group called (but never defined) the Civil Society...

Qualities and Qualifications

When Fazlul Haque was the Premier of undivided Bengal, a young lad from his native village, Jhalokathi, begged for a job, like so many jobless others of that era.

    “How much education have you had?” the Sher-e-Bangla asked him. He had to know that in order to help him out. The government employed assorted clerks all the time, policemen for the interior countryside, and there always were vacancies in the government schools.

    Scratching his head helplessly, the lad owned up that, given enough time to form the letters legibly, he could just about sign his own name.

    “In that case you must wait till the next election,” Haque ruefully said, “for your qualification is suitable only for a minister’s job!”

Seeking admission for your ward to a reputable school or college? Your ward must have the necessary marks in the qualifying test and/or an SC/ST certificate. The only other alternative is to have oodles of money.

Mr Haque was absolutely right: to stand in an election you only needed the right contacts and/or oodles of the filthy lucre. No specific qualification is called for. That is exactly what the constitution guarantees: a level playing field for all aspirants. Nor is your criminal history, if any, a deterrent at all.

That, dear reader, is the first brass brad on the sandalwood coffin of democracy!

Rôle of The Administration

The entire electoral process, from finalising the voters’ list to declaration of the poll results, is supposedly the responsibility of the Election Commission and it must report to someone high in the scheme of things in the government. Since the Prime Minister and his colleagues are elcted by ‘popular’ votes which the EC is charged to supervise, it reports directly to the President of India. This titular figure too is, more often than not, a political creature elected notionally by the ‘electoral college’ as defined meticulously in our constitution.

The Election Commissioners, Chief and those for each State of the Union, are chosen from amongst civil servants. And we are brought up to believe that no political party or funtionaries thereof shall ever try to browbeat or influence any civil servant.

The EC must necessarily requisition the services of several branches of the Union and the State administration: armed security from the central services, the State Police for law and order, individual government servants to complete/correct/update the electoral rolls without prejudice, individuals again to conduct the polls and count the votes, and sundry others.

Since political parties ‘may’ not try to influence anyone, and also because government servants—officers or other ranks—must be apolitical, anyway, there is no reason to doubt the probity of the process.

Such assumptions are a few of the other brass brads on democracy’s decorous coffin.

The King of China’s daughter,

She never would love me

Though I hung my cap and bells upon

Her nutmeg tree.

For oranges and lemons,

The stars in bright blue air,

(I stole them long ago, my dear)

Were dangling there.

The Moon did give me silver pence,

The Sun did give me gold,

And both together softly blew

And made my porridge cold;

But the King of China’s daughter

Pretended not to see

When I hung my cap and bells upon

Her nutmeg tree.

সুদূর চিনের রাজকুমারী
কোনও দিন ভালবাসবেনা, জানি,
যদিও তাদেরই জায়ফল গাছে
টুপি ও ঘুঙুর ঝুলিয়েছি আমি।
কারণ কাগজি এবং নারঙ,
সুনীল আকাশে উজ্জ্বল তারা
(আমিই তাদের করেছি হরণ),
সেইখানে ঝুলছিল দিশেহারা।
চাঁদ দিয়েছিল রুপোলি টাকা,
এবং সূর্য স্বর্ণ খণ্ড,
তারপর দোঁহে মৃদু ফুৎকারে
উষ্ণ খাবার করেছে পণ্ড;
তথাপি চিনের রাজকুমারী
না-তাকিয়ে ফিরে গেল চুপি চুপি
যখন তাদের জায়ফল গাছে
ঝোলালাম আমি ঘুঙুর ও টুপি।

[অনুবাদ ৩০।১০।১৯৭১]

[Please also visit my other web logs at <apsendotcom.wordpress.com> and <jonakiblog.wordpress.com>]

The Molecular/Atomic Analogy of Democracy

Indian philosophers of yore had christened the universe the Cosmic Egg—Brahmāņđa. By extending the analogy we may say that its yolk represents the elite elements of mankind and the albuminous white the lesser mortals. Democracy too is like an egg—albeit horse’s egg: aśvāņđa. Early Indo-Europeans, known to have domesticated the horse in its natural habitat—the grasslands of Central Asia—were inordinately proud of the fact. At least the Aryans who came to India and composed the truly magnificient Ŗgveda hymns and had left an indelible mark on the languages we speak, if not so much on our genetic make up, show it time and again: Aśva (cognate with English ‘horse’, just as pitŗ-matŗ-bhrātŗ-duhitŗ-vidhavā are cognate with ‘father’-‘mother’-‘brother’-‘daughter’-‘widow’), the Aśvinīkumāras (same as the Greek ‘Gemini’—the twins, Castor and Pollux—the constellation), Aśvatthāmā (the Mahābhārata hero and his contemporaneous namesake: an unfortunate elephant that got killed), aśvattha (where horses are tethered: the peepul tree), Yuvanāśva (the childless Mahābhārata king who got accidentally pregnant himself!)… The list can be extended almost at will.

That is exactly what politicians do: repeat a slogan (horseshit) or related mottos (aśvāņđa, horse’s egg) over and over again.

The early molecular/atomic theory of matter stated that the smallest, indivisible constituent of a given matter was its molecule/atom. In the last hundred years or so atoms were shown to have even smaller particles like neutrons, protons and electons/positrons. The corpuscular theory of light postulates that light is made up of particulate photons. The fundamental particles do not seem to end there; faster-than-light tachyon had been making the news in our student days and, more recently, the elusive god particle. The overview of the molecular/atomic theory of matter and its extension is that there is a long chain of fundamental particles in the world of matter and energy.

The molecular/atomic analogy, extended to democracy, recognises smaller political entities subservient to the nation but the resemblance stops there. The general rules are

  • that there should not be any inner party democracy,
  • do not try to stop factionalism, for it is akin to fission, and helps the role players in aśvavyābasāya, horse-trading,
  • do all that can be done to let entropy (chaos and confusion, in layman’s parlance) increase with the passage of time.

[I apologise for the inordinate delay between instalments one and two. An unforeseen illness had held me back. That, perhaps, is partly true. The month's delay got prolonged by the hiatus due to mental lethargy. I hope that the very few readers that I have will understand.]

Whither Democracy?

The problem is that the concept of parliamentary democracy, comprising of representatives elected by adults irrespective of their economic and educational status, or even their sex, is far too new to take root. And that virtually all so-called civilised societies are rabidly patriarchic, even if otherwise egalitarian. And that, with the passage of time, societal/familial value systems have given way to economic considerations resulting in a reign of avarice.

The genesis of that can easily be traced to basic human behavioural patterns wherein survival of self (and hence ones own tribe) was the moot issue, no matter what. Each nomadic human tribe had one macho leader, and the females in the tribe all belonged to his harem. Prospective adult male contenders either had to fight it to the top, or start their own tribe. Dissent and women in government were not tolerated, human rights were unthought of. But, that put the onus of good governance squarely on the leader’s shoulder and he had to perform to hold off challengers. Minors and women had no say in any matter.

The earliest fossil evidence of Homo sapiens dates back to 200 thousand years ago; the mitochondrial Eve, the African mother of all living modern humans, came some 50 thousand years later. And it is none too difficult to imagine that the behavioural evolution had not progressed an iota since. Democracy is as yet far too alien to the species.

Every duly elected leader professes to be the people’s chosen messiah and claim—tacitly, if not vocally—immunity from the legal process and the law of the land. With that they usurp the right to dig deep into public funds (taxpayers’ money), and break all electoral promises, and do much as they like to ensure their own survival in the seat of power. They are usually intolerant to criticism by the lay public but do not feel the urge to deliver on the governance and development front. Even the Obamas of this world, despite making some inroads towards government spending on public health, cannot do much to bring about an effective gun control law even when scores of children are being mowed down each year.

    Funding of Election Costs

In India individual candidates are expected to bear the burden, either from personal savings and arrangements (donations, personal loans and what have you), or dipping into a never-ending party kitty amassed by dubious means. Some countries strive to limit the expenses to what the national exchequer can bear without stretching the economy too much; this is more wishful thinking than an achieveable result. This is the Achilles’ heel of the democratic process. Whether nationally funded or not, the expenses are huge and we, the tax-payers and the lay public below the taxable income limit, foot the bill in the ultimate analysis.

Is there a way around?

None, whatsoever!

A Few Points to Ponder

Civilisation

We cannot change the innate human nature. Civilisation is one of those words that defy all attempts to define it. At one level we understand it to mean a social evolutionary process that starts with barter of the surplus goods or services of a given microcosmic economic cluster. The progression is through technological specialisation, barter, loot and rapine, armaments race, bloody wars—all achieved by systematic destruction of nature. On the other hand civilisation connotes a process of improving people’s nature by drawing the human race farther and farther away from the atavistic original template.

If we accept the dichotomy as a conumdrum, mankind is yet to find an acceptable answer to it.

To be continued

What is wrong with our politics? Nothing much if you go by global yardsticks,  yet everything is.

Looking around the world  at large, we see at least one surviving religious monarchy (Vatican), a wide range of other monarchies, several religious dictatorships (one down … sorry, two, if you count Nepal, overcompensated by several new ones, all Islamic), a vanishing breed of communist dictatorships, a few overt or tacit dictatorships, several underdogships that go in the name of liberal democracy, but by far the most popular and preferred form is democracy—warts and all. And there are too many warts to be tackled by grandma’s remedies. You remove one and two more will rear their ugly heads. Let us look at the warts, those that we know of, one by one for a start.

  • Who all should vote? There is no dispute that universal adult franchise (even for the unlettered, and those who are deliberately kept that way by a series of well-meaning governments) is the most desireable electoral process. (Tick that.)
  • Should excercise of the franchise be mandatory? (How can you?)
  • Who should pick up the tabs of campaign and other electoral expenses, the exchequer or the candidates? (No solid answer.)
  • Who all should be allowed to put up their candidature: all adults, adults with a certain verifiable minimum level of formal education, adults with no criminal records, adults with a certain specified maximum age at the time of the poll? Should there be reservations based on caste, tribal standing, economic status, or simply ones sex? (Hmmm!)
  • In multiparty politics, should the electoral authority allow any and every party, and any number of independent candidates to join the fray? (A most annoying question that cannot be answered.)
  • In the event of a hung house who gets to form the government? (This is a para-mathematical poser by any count.)

All these questions, basic and pertinent as they are, intend no disrespect to those who had put together the relevant parts of the Constitution of India. An infant republic of this day and age, after all, can only choose a pre-existing model (the Westminster for India) and change a bit here, a bit more there, and issue it as the declared intent of the nation. It is for the polity to amend it from time to time, if at all, or to scrap it altogether as has been done several times in other countries.

I shall examine the pros and cons of the questions posed and our societal mores in subsequent instalments.

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